SKU: 68306213863

Zineryt

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Description

ZinerytZineryt Description Zineryt is a skin solution used to treat bacterial infections. It has erythromycin to combat infection and zinc acetate to help repair the skin. Use on the affected areas twice a day after washing. Essential Information What is Zineryt? Zineryt is a solution commonly used to treat acne, but it can also be used 'off label' for other skin issues such as folliculitis. It has two active ingredients: Erythromycin, an antibiotic that

Zineryt Description
Zineryt is a skin solution used to treat bacterial infections.
It has erythromycin to combat infection and zinc acetate to help repair the skin.
Use on the affected areas twice a day after washing.

What is Zineryt?

Zineryt is a solution commonly used to treat acne, but it can also be used 'off-label' for other skin issues such as folliculitis. It has two active ingredients: Erythromycin, an antibiotic that eliminates bacteria, and zinc acetate, which aids in repairing skin affected by folliculitis.

Zineryt addresses one of the main causes of folliculitis, often the bacteria known as Staphylococcus aureus, or simply staph. By targeting this, it lowers the chance of reinfection and aids in healing skin damage.

How does Zineryt work?

Zineryt targets one of the main causes of folliculitis – bacteria. Bacterial folliculitis is the most common type, responsible for over 80% of cases. It's usually caused by Staphylococcus aureus, a type of bacteria found on everyone's skin. Occasionally, this bacteria can enter hair follicles and lead to an infection.

Folliculitis often resembles acne. The affected area becomes swollen and turns red, much like a spot. It can sometimes fill with pus, looking like a whitehead with a red border. If the infection gets worse, these spots may fill with more pus and develop into furuncles (boils) or carbuncles. The main difference between acne and folliculitis is that folliculitis makes the skin itchy and uncomfortable.

Erythromycin, one of the key ingredients in Zineryt, helps by decreasing the bacteria on the skin that cause acne and folliculitis. It also directly blocks certain factors that draw in inflammation-causing white blood cells. Zinc, the other main ingredient in Zineryt, works alongside erythromycin to combat bacteria that cause infections. It also reduces the risk of the bacteria becoming resistant to the antibiotic and improves its absorption into the skin. Additionally, zinc aids in healing wounds.

How long can you use Zineryt for?

The success of treating folliculitis can differ based on how severe the infection is. Zineryt is typically prescribed for a period of 10-12 weeks. Your clinician will advise you on the duration you should use Zineryt.

Are there different forms of Zineryt?

Zineryt is a topical solution. It comes as a powder and a solvent, which your pharmacist will mix for you before you receive it. This results in a lotion that you apply to the affected areas as instructed. Zineryt is only available in this form.

Is Zineryt available on prescription?

Zineryt is a medication that requires a prescription, so you can't buy it over the counter. Since Zineryt is an antibiotic solution, a healthcare professional must determine if it's the right treatment for you and ensure you're using it properly to prevent antibiotic resistance.

How is Zineryt different to other treatments for folliculitis?

Folliculitis can be caused by different factors, which means the treatment you require may vary.

The main types of folliculitis are:

If you have the bacterial type, you'll usually be treated with either a topical or oral antibiotic. Other types of folliculitis may be treated with antifungal medicines, acne treatments, or antiseptic cleansers.

Are there alternatives to Zineryt?

There are other topical antibiotics available, which your doctor might prescribe based on how severe your infection is. Oral antibiotics are another option. To help with itching and pain, try applying warm compresses to the affected area. Using antiseptic cleansers can also help keep the area free from bacteria.

Your clinician can help you choose the treatment that's best for you.

Does Zineryt cause side effects?

As with all medicines, Zineryt may cause side effects, though not everyone will experience them. Occasionally, treatments like Zineryt can lead to "purging," where symptoms might worsen at first before improving. If you have any worries or questions while using this treatment, please feel free to contact us for guidance.

If you experience a burning feeling or a rash that doesn't disappear after a few hours, stop using Zineryt and contact your doctor.

How long does it take Zineryt to work?

Zineryt usually takes about 10 to 12 weeks to treat your folliculitis. If you don't notice any improvement by then, contact your doctor to talk about your treatment.

How well does Zineryt work for folliculitis?

Zineryt is expected to be effective in treating bacterial folliculitis. In a study with 102 patients aged 13 to 25, participants were divided into two groups. Group A used only erythromycin, while Group B used a topical gel containing both erythromycin and zinc acetate for three weeks. The findings revealed that the gel combining erythromycin and zinc acetate was better at reducing both the number and severity of acne lesions than erythromycin on its own.

Although folliculitis isn't the same as acne, both can be caused by bacteria that respond well to Zineryt. In the case of bacterial folliculitis, it's usually staph bacteria, while acne is often due to Propionibacterium acnes. This makes Zineryt a reliable option for addressing the underlying cause of bacterial folliculitis.

Important Information

Zineryt isn't right for everyone, and there are a few things you should keep in mind when using it.

Here's all the official information about it. If anything isn't clear, please let our clinician know, and they can discuss it with you.

Official Information
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SKU: 68306213863

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Brian Mulvey
Birmingham, US
★★★★★ 5
The only system to replace capitalism m
Format: Paperback
Professor Wolff has written Marxism in an easy to understand, simplified pamphlet. I have listened to many of his podcasts and he speaks very clearly and deliberately so his audience can easily understand. Highly recommended reading for all Americans.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 25, 2024
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Kristofer Carlson
Louisville, US
★★★★★ 5
An excellent introduction
Dr. Richard Wolff has a gift for simplifying complex material, distilling it down to its essence, and delivering it in a winsome manner. His gifts are on display here, for Karl Marx is a hard read. And yet, after reading this introduction, it is possible to catch a glimpse of hitherto unseen trains of Kark Marx's thought. After reading this introduction, it is clear that Marxism is not the same thing as Communism, or Socialism, or Fascism. Marxism is nothing more than an analysis and critique of Capitalism. That analysis and critique is used by many for their own purposes, purposes that have only a tenuous relationship to the source material.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 24, 2020
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Jeff Gardner
Boise, US
★★★★★ 5
Marxism summarized
Not having read much of Marx’s writing I found this work to be an interesting summary of Marx’s thought and objectives. This work provides a different understanding of Marx and his objectives compared to what I have heard of Marxism both when Marx’s work is referenced in theoretical contexts and (supposedly) put into practice.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 4, 2022
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BBR
West Palm Beach, US
★★★★★ 5
Facts
Format: Paperback
Very good short book
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Reviewed in the United States on August 1, 2025
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T. Graczewski
Draper, US
★★★★★ 5
Little Giant
Format: Paperback
“Did any other leader in the twentieth century do more to improve the lives of so many? Did any other twentieth-century leader have such a large and lasting influence on world history?” This is how Ezra Vogel concludes his massive 700-page tome, “Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China.” Indeed, who else in history has raised more people out of poverty? There may be no definitively right answer, but Vogel makes a convincing case that Deng Xiaoping has a better claim than anyone else. While lengthy, this book is an easy read and provides fascinating insights and lots of detail on how Deng and his forward-thinking policies turned China from a backward, poverty stricken basket case in the wake of the disastrous Cultural Revolution to an economic superpower in a single generation. It has been a revolution every bit as astonishing and impactful to world history as the Japanese Meiji Restoration of the late nineteenth century. Vogel’s narrative focuses mainly on the years from Mao’s death in 1976 to Deng’s retirement in 1992. Deng’s quite eventful first 65 years of life are covered in just 45 pages; China’s dramatic growth over the two decades since his retirement receive a mere 20 pages of attention. This book could have been called the “Deng Restoration,” the decade-and-a-half period when the Chinese leader blazed a new path, normalizing Chinese foreign relations and assiduously laying the political and economic groundwork for China’s improbably rapid rise from a self-isolated Third World Country into a global leader in manufacturing and burgeoning superpower just beginning to stretch its legs and demand its rightful place in the sun, to paraphrase Bismark. What struck me most about Deng’s leadership and policies, besides their remarkable success, was their consistency – and authority. His power was strictly personal, not positional; Deng was never chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, nor Premier of the Chinese government. Rather, he was something else, the “preeminent leader,” officially only vice chairman of the party and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Aging and hard of hearing, he rarely attended Politburo meetings. Yet, “it is doubtful that anyone [other than Deng] had the combination of authority, depth and breadth of experience, strategic sense, assurance, personal relationships, and political judgment needed to manage China’s transformation with comparable success,” Vogel writes. When he came to power in the late 1970s, he had very firm ideas on what needed to be done, plans that Vogel claims matured in Deng’s mind during his long and humiliating five year exile in Jiangxi working at a tractor factory during the Cultural Revolution. First, stability and unity were paramount in Deng’s plans, according to Vogel. He knew that the economic transformation China must go through would be wrenching and tumultuous, and he believed that only the Communist Party, with its discipline and order, could effectively manage the change. He had to maintain a delicate balance between encouraging innovative thinking and freedom of expression while maintaining the unquestioned rule of the Communist Party. In 1978, Deng formulated the Four Cardinal Principles, essentially four red lines that could not be crossed in China (socialist path; dictatorship of the proletariat; leadership of the Communist Party; Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought), and he never waivered from them. In fact, his most controversial and unpopular decision – the military crackdown at Tiananmen Square in 1989 – was taken precisely because the protests were openly challenging the Four Cardinal Principles. Although he was an ambitious reformer, he was a Communist first-and-foremost. When his two top lieutenants and official heads of party and state, respectively, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, were seen as going soft on dissidents, he had them unceremoniously cashiered. It was the outpouring of love for Hu at his death in 1989, along with frustration at how he had been treated by Deng and the Party, that sparked the Tiananmen protests, a movement that became truly dangerous when Zhao resigned rather than acquiesce to Deng’s call for martial law. Second, vast improvements in science, technology and education would be the cornerstone of Deng’s policies. Vogel describes Deng as obsessed with the importance of education and the critical role in advanced technology in China’s future. At roughly the same time that Deng formulated the Four Cardinal Principles to guide political discussion in China, he also developed the Four Modernizations, the areas in which the government would concentrate efforts to learn, grow and improve: 1) science and technology; 2) industry; 3) agriculture; and 4) defense. Again, Deng and the Chinese government remained steadfast in pursuing these objectives even when they led in politically sensitive directions, such as dropping class background from college admission criteria and instead relying solely on meritocratic entrance exams; encouraging thousands of students to study overseas, especially in Western countries, exposing them to potential “dangerous” ideas; establishing special economic zones (SEZ) along the coast to promote capitalist investment and trade, even though they encouraged graft and corruption; and the dramatic downsizing of the People’s Liberation Army to create a more highly educated and technologically savvy armed forces. “Deng was unique in that he pushed doors open far wider – to foreign ideas, foreign technology, and foreign capital – than his predecessors, and he presided over the difficult process of expanding the opening despite the disruptions it caused,” Vogel writes. Third, Deng was adamant that China must be fully engaged in world affairs. He was very much his own foreign policy strategist and built his policies around a few basic objectives. Above all, Soviet expansion must be stoutly resisted. Deng went to war – “Deng’s War,” Vogel says – with communist neighbor Vietnam in 1979 to “teach Hanoi a lesson.” Namely, that China refused to allow Vietnam to become a hegemonic power in Southeast Asia while serving as the Soviet’s “Cuba in the East.” China’s month-long invasion captured five northern Vietnamese provincial capitals at the cost of 25,000 PLA soldiers killed in action, according to Vogel (that is, China lost half as many men in one month in Vietnam as the US did in a decade!). Next, Deng sought to normalize and improve relations with the Western world, an objective he largely achieved, although the backlash from Tiananmen Square was sharp and prolonged. Finally, Deng desperately wanted to consolidate Chinese territory in his lifetime, achieving peace and stability in Tibet, reintegrating Hong Kong, and, most important of all, reunifying with Taiwan. The last goal was one of Deng’s great disappointments, although he did successfully prevent the Reagan administration from formally recognizing Taiwan and worked to reduce arms shipments to the island nation. “Under Deng’s leadership,” the author writes, “China truly joined the world community, becoming an active part of international organizations and of the global system of trade, finance, and relations among citizens of all walks of life.” Finally, Deng was a political virtuoso, albeit of a distinctly communist variety. Deng was well-described by US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance as “remarkable… impatient, feisty, self-confidently outspoken, direct, forceful, and clever.” Standing just five-feet-tall, with limited formal education and a lifelong habit of using a spittoon even when negotiating directly with world leaders in the West, Deng was nevertheless a man of immense natural ability and innate political instincts. Unlike the “mercurial” Mao, who Vogel describes as “ranked high among world leaders” in megalomania and lust for power, Deng was personally humble, wanting nothing more than to serve his country and then be forgotten. Upon his death, he donated his corneas for eye research, his internal organs to medical science, was cremated and had his ashes scattered into the sea. There would be no “Cult of Deng” if he had anything to say about it. A deeply and sincerely committed communist, he was nevertheless open-minded and had no use for communist dogma. He was highly opposed to Mao’s revolutionary radicalism, yet sensitive to charges of being the “Chinese Khrushchev.” He quickly worked to overthrow the so-called “Gang of Four” after Mao’s death, but steadfastly espoused a flexible, results oriented approach to reform. “It doesn’t matter if the cat is black or white, just so long as it catches mice,” he liked to say. He used his liberal approach to outmaneuver and then oust Mao’s handpicked successor, the middle-aged cipher Hua Goufeng, who stumbled badly in 1977 when he penned an editorial claiming that future policy “will resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made, and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave” (the so-called “Two Whatevers”). Deng had different ideas – and they would prevail. Although he a had clear vision for where China should go conceptually, Deng honestly admitted that he had to “grope for stones as he crossed the river” the entire time, never knowing for certain which approach was best, but always open to learning-by-doing. “Don’t argue, just push ahead,” was a favorite mantra. His SEZ experiment at Shenzhen was controversial, but ultimately successful beyond anyone’s wildest expectations. And unlike Dahzai, Mao’s experimental ideal collective community, Chinese leaders and others flocked to Shenzhen out of genuine interest rather than political expediency. Twenty-first century China is Deng’s China. If the sun is setting on the American century and rising in the East, no one man had more to do with it than Deng Xiaoping, a man Vogel believes may be one of the greatest men in his nation’s long history. “The transition from a predominantly rural to a predominantly urban society and the spread of common national culture are among the most fundamental changes that have occurred in Chinese history since the country’s unification in 221 BC,” Vogel declares, and it was mainly the work of one little, unassuming man from a small village in Szechuan.
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Reviewed in the United States on August 12, 2014

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