SKU: 53806327816

Oppenheimer

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OppenheimerDe triomf en tragedie van de vader van de atoombom. De Pulitzer Prize winnende biografie van J. Robert Oppenheimer, directeur van het Manhattan Project en vader van de atoombom, die de inspiratie was voor de succesvolle film Oppenheimer een geweldige, spannende combinatie van wetenschap, wereldgeschiedenis en politiek J. Robert Oppenheimer (1904 1967) was een briljant natuurkundige en directeur van het Manhattan Project: de geheime ontwikkeling van de

De triomf en tragedie van de vader van de atoombom.

De Pulitzer Prize-winnende biografie van J. Robert Oppenheimer, directeur van het Manhattan Project en ‘vader van de atoombom’, die de inspiratie was voor de succesvolle film Oppenheimer  een geweldige, spannende combinatie van wetenschap, wereldgeschiedenis en politiek

J. Robert Oppenheimer (1904-1967) was een briljant natuurkundige en directeur van het Manhattan Project: de geheime ontwikkeling van de atoombom tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. De bombardementen op Hiroshima en Nagasaki maakten hem de beroemdste wetenschapper van zijn generatie en een van de meest iconische maar ook omstreden figuren van de twintigste eeuw. Dit boek volgt Oppenheimer vanaf zijn opleiding onder de bekendste fysici van zijn tijd, naar Berkeley, Californië, waar hij de eerste Amerikaanse school voor theoretische natuurkunde oprichtte en nauw betrokken raakte bij verschillende links-activistische bewegingen, die ook veel communisten aantrokken. Vervolgens naar Los Alamos, New Mexico, waar hij een woestijnvlakte transformeerde in een kernwapenlaboratorium waarna hij de geschiedenis in ging als de vader van de atoombom.

Na de oorlog nam Oppenheimer het hoogleraarschap aan Princeton over van Albert Einstein en werkte hij als politiek adviseur. In die rol maakte hij zich hard voor internationale controle op nucleair materiaal, verzet tegen de waterstofbom en tegen kernoorlog in het algemeen. Door die revolutionaire standpunten, in combinatie met zijn vermeende banden met het communisme, haalde Oppenheimer zich in de aanloop naar de Koude Oorlog de woede van invloedrijke nucleaire pleitbezorgers op de hals, onder wie atoomenergie-commissionair Lewis Strauss, waterstofbomontwikkelaar Edward Teller en FBI-directeur J. Edgar Hoover, die een hoorzitting organiseerden wegens de verdenking van landverraad.

Oppenheimer is een meeslepend portret van een briljante, ambitieuze en complexe man wiens werk een vernietigend einde maakte aan de Tweede Wereldoorlog, en het begin vormde van de Koude Oorlog. Een biografie en geschiedenisboek ineen, en bovenal een essentieel boek om inzicht te krijgen in ons recente verleden en onze keuzes voor de toekomst.

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SKU: 53806327816

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Houston, US
★★★★★ 4
An important contribution
The historiography of secession is a complex one. For much of the last century there had been a tendency for historians to underplay the importance of slavery as a cause of the American civil war. Certaintly neo-Confederate apologists have sought to euphemize the cause of the conflict to an issue over tariffs, to matters of states rights, or to the "extremism" of the abolitionists. It is quite clear that these excuses will not survive a reading of this book. Sinha clearly shows, in her examination of South Carolina secessionism from nullifaction to fort Sumter, that slavery was the essence of its concerns. To show this she looks at the nullification crisis, the Mexican war, the Compromise of 1850, the South Carolinian movement to reopen the slave trade, and the secession crisis, based on exhaustive research of no less than 137 sets of private papers and diaries. But Sinha wishes not simply to refute the academically unimportant group of neo-Calhounites. She wishes to argue something broader. The South Carolinian defense of slavery was not, as many serious historians suggest today, simply the working out of the Southern American view of liberty. Increasingly, Sinha argues, South Carolina pro-slavery thought was not the expression of Southern Republicanism, but increasingly its very negation. It was not a coincidence that secessionism was strongest in South Carolina, the only state by 1832 where presidential electors and the governor were not popularly elected, where the legislature was crudely malapportioned, and where local offices were limited by the state government. It was also not a coincidence that slaves were a majority of South Carolinians, and slaveholders nearly a majority of South Carolinian whites. And it certainly was not a coincidence that non-slaveholders were noticeably less enthusiastic for nullification, secession in 1851 and secession in 1861. But although Southern nationalist discourse was clearly elitist and pro-slavery, does Sinha show that it was counter-revolutionary? A certain opposition to democracy was evident after all in the many, perhaps most, of the founding fathers. But as Sinha points out leading Carolinians like Calhoun, Senator James Chesnut and the creepy, incestuous James Hammond all sneered at the Declaration of Independence. She quotes one bravado warping PatricK Henry to declare "Give me Slavery or give me death." Notwithstanding the views of some historians to the contrary the South Carolinians criticized the North less for its oppression of wage laborers than the possiblity that those laborers could vote themselves into power. They did not condemn Lincoln as an intolerant Protestant but as a dangerous socialist and feminist. Moreover, they were not slow to raise the Nativist card against the immigrants who were bolstering the North's population. Calhoun's idea of a concurrent majority was not a thoughtful protection of minority rights, but a way to prevent one minority, his own, from ever being outvoted. Once the Confederacy was set up the elite dispensed with political parties. Looking at South Carolina they also began to dispense with competitive elections, while its ruthless elite certainly did not act sentimentally (or even decently) towards opinions on slavery. In conclusion there have been many frauds and bullies in American political life: the Nixons, the Hoovers, the McCarthys, the Tillmans and the Bilbos. But much of their malignancy was purely personal and they never threatened the core ideals of the republic. Calhoun was different, very different. Extremely intelligent, he was also utterly principled, and absolutely ruthless in carrying out that one principle. The problem was that the principle, despite all the complications of honor and paternalism, was slavery. More so than anyone else, Calhoun was the greatest enemy of liberty and freedom the United States ever had. Sinha's book is an important contribution to understanding that.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 29, 2000
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Annie Hinson
Whiting, US
★★★★★ 5
Great information on an understudied area
Format: Paperback
Thanks for an insight to the other side. Students of Southern history -- this is a must read. Pick it up
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Reviewed in the United States on August 1, 2013
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Big Jim
Omaha, US
★★★★★ 5
good deal
Format: Paperback
It was the book my Daughter needed for a course...saved money
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Reviewed in the United States on October 8, 2015
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Laura Kerber
New York, US
★★★★★ 5
Wow, this book was so useful
Format: Paperback
This book is so practical, so clearly laid out, so full of useful things. I am honestly in awe that someone took the time to make a book that is this helpful-- I can't imagine how many hours it must have taken to distill all of this knowledge and then present it in a readable way. I am a geologist but not a petrologist, and I had to become a petrologist in a real hurry for a project that I was doing. I was really stumbling through the dark there until this book turned on the light. Never knew I could feel so grateful and indebted to a book about geochemistry.
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Reviewed in the United States on September 2, 2021
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VIcaballero
Carnegie, US
★★★★★ 5
Excelente guía
Format: Paperback
El contenido y la presentación es excelente para mi trabajo, cubre tanto geoquímica de rocas duras como geoquímica sedimentaria, para mi es muy util este último tema y como utilizar la data para interpretar cambios y correlacionar
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Reviewed in the United States on March 1, 2022

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