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Description
makita dtm 51 rtj 18 v li ion d coupeur ponceur multifonctions coffret makpac 2x batteries 5 0 ah chargeur wellcut mt 8 set de 8 lames de scieContenu du paquet: 1x Makita DTM 51 18V Li ion Dcoupeur ponceur multifonctions 2x Batteries Makita BL 1850 5,0 Ah 1x Chargeur rapide Makita DC18 RC 1x Outils de coupe multifunctions WellCut MT 8 Set de 8 lames de scie 1x Coffret de transport avec Insert correspondant Description du produit: Le dcoupeur ponceur multifonctions Makita DTM 51 possde un nouveau systme de fixation de la lame sans outil. Elle est munie d'une protection lectronique contre les
Contenu du paquet:
- 1x Makita DTM 51 18V Li-ion Découpeur-ponceur multifonctions
- 2x Batteries Makita BL 1850 5,0 Ah
- 1x Chargeur rapide Makita DC18 RC
- 1x Outils de coupe multifunctions WellCut MT-8 Set de 8 lames de scie
- 1x Coffret de transport avec Insert correspondant
Description du produit:
Le découpeur-ponceur multifonctions Makita DTM 51 possède un nouveau système de fixation de la lame sans outil. Elle est munie d'une protection électronique contre les surcharges et les décharges profondes des batteries.Le variateur de vitesse permet de régler la vitesse de la machine en fonction du matériau à poncer (5 vitesses). Elle assure un démarrage progressif pour un travail plus précis. Le découpeur-ponceur multifonctions Makita DTM contient en plus un système d'aspiration des poussières livré de série. Son Poignée ergonomique Soft Grip pour permet une meilleure prise en main.
Spécifications techniques:
Nombre d'oscillations: 6.000 - 20.000 tr/min
Angle d'oscillation: 3,2 °
Tension: 18 V
Dimensions: (Lxlxh) mm: 326x80x122
Poids: 2,2 kg
Pression sonore (Lpa): 81 dB(A)
Puissance sonore (Lwa): 92 dB(A)
Marge d'incertitude bruit (K): 3 dB(A)
Taux de vibration triaxial (ah) bois: 7,0 m/s²
Taux de vibration ponçage: 3.0 m/s²
Vibration de la valeur K: 1,5 m/s²
Angle d'oscillation: 3,2 °
Tension: 18 V
Dimensions: (Lxlxh) mm: 326x80x122
Poids: 2,2 kg
Pression sonore (Lpa): 81 dB(A)
Puissance sonore (Lwa): 92 dB(A)
Marge d'incertitude bruit (K): 3 dB(A)
Taux de vibration triaxial (ah) bois: 7,0 m/s²
Taux de vibration ponçage: 3.0 m/s²
Vibration de la valeur K: 1,5 m/s²
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4.7 ★★★★★
Based on 7 reviews
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Product Reviews
★★★★★ 4
Insider's Book
Format: Paperback
Wlater R. Fisher is an expert in his field. His grasp of classical theory is daunting. Human Communication as Narrative explains his new theory well. However, it IS an insider's book, intended for scholars. I have a master's degree in rhetoric and composition, and my progress through it was slow--however, this was more attributable to my having stopped at an MA than it was to Fisher. I found his theory exhaustively researched, skillfully and thoughfully developed, and eminently applicable to the practice of contemporary rhetorical study. I would regard this book as a must-have for any serious student of rhetoric.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 22, 2011
★★★★★ 5
Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as ...
Format: Paperback
I'm a fan of the Narrative Paradigm, and this is the seminal work on that. Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as well. Very clear, succinct, and engaging.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 1, 2016
★★★★★ 5
The Dark Roots of Liberalism
Format: Hardcover
Italian philosopher/intellectual history Domenico Losurdo's study of the origins of liberalism is a tour de force of thorough scholarship and rigorous critique. Losurdo seems to have read all of the collected works of all of the significant thinkers in the liberal tradition, from Locke to de Tocqueville and beyond, and has created a coherent and compelling narrative of their themes and variations, as well as their rhetorical tropes and myriad contradictions.
Classical liberalism, as here presented, is an attempt to translate the world, in all its richness and mystery, into property, and to transform property into the fullest expression of both nature and nature's God. It involves fetishizing "liberty" and disdaining equality, which is seen -- correctly -- as potentially compromising the God-given prerogatives of property holders.
Losurdo's liberals divide the world into the "community of the free" -- always a minority -- and the servile majority. These masses do not deserve liberty or political participation because they perceive government as a way to address human suffering, and not simply as a bulwark protecting the divine rights of capital, i.e. the "private" realm. The classical liberal sees government as good to the extent that it has no social function at all -- because poverty and radical inequity are understood not as the outcome of human social and political arrangements, but as a reflection of immutable natural law and simple human frailty. Social Darwinist and eugenic motifs float through the Liberal symphony almost from the beginning, supplanting without really changing the earlier Protestant notion of predestination, but shifting the location of eternal reward or damnation to the marketplace and workplace.
Thus liberalism sides against social emancipation, whether of slaves or peasants or factory laborers. The job of workers within a liberal commonwealth, as depicted by most of these thinkers, is to embrace their freedom to starve and cherish the institutions that oppress them in the sweet and holy name of Liberty. Slavery makes many of these thinkers uneasy, but it is not as profoundly disturbing to them as the prospect of central government tampering with the sacred rights of property holders by abolishing an institution that makes a mockery of any concept of human liberty.
It is the radical thinkers of the French Revolution, and those influenced by them, who come out favorably here -- the ones who believe that the community must be seen as one body, and that freedom and dignity belong to all, without exception. Losurdo reminds us that it was not classical liberals who abolished slavery -- it was the Black Jacobins who brought the Rights of Man to the subjugated Africans of Haiti in history's only successful slave rebellion (at least since Moses). They were supported by the religiously inspired abolitionists, who saw slavery in moral rather than capitalist terms.
Losurdo shows that liberalism took on the despotism of Church and Crown, only to create a harsher and colder absolutism of Money and Market, wrapped up in the rhetoric of Reason and tied with the ribbon of Freedom. And though classical liberalism has mutated over time and allowed the community of the free to expand somewhat, its fundamental biases remain in place, as witnessed in every ding-dong attack against "big government" or the "nanny state." Losurdo's "counter-history" of liberalism places these tediously reflexive political gambits in historical context, showing that they are rooted in a vision of the state as a kind of gated community, serving those within the threshold of privilege, suppressing those on the outside.
At a time when political discourse centers on the percentages of the included and excluded, the worthy and the unworthy -- Occupy Wall Street's 1 percent and 99 percent, Mitt Romney's 47 percent (which was also his percentage of the vote) -- Losurdo's study is highly relevant and enlightening. It underscores the deep tensions between classical liberalism -- with its governance by and for the elite, and passive citizenship for the rest -- and the ideals of participatory and inclusive democracy, i.e., social democracy. It is an important book, and I recommend it to everyone with an interest in the history of political theory, and a desire to understand why our own political processes seem to take place in an abstract realm so cosmically distant from the reality of everyday life.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 24, 2012
★★★★★ 5
A brilliant reassessment of Western intellectual history
Format: Kindle
"Liberalism: A Counter History" by Domenico Losurdo offers a brilliant reassessment of Western intellectual history. Dr. Losurdo is a leading Italian intellectual who has taught at university for many decades. Dr. Losurdo's book will interest readers desiring bold, thoughtful and compelling perspectives on U.S. and European history; with insights that may be very useful to us today.
More than anything else, Dr. Losurdo's work articulates a highly original and powerful critique of the ideology of capitalist property relations. Diving into the writings of John Locke, Adam Smith, Bernard de Mandeville and other influential Enlightenment thinkers, Dr. Losurdo explains that the principle goal of liberalism (used here in the European sense of the word) was to secure the rights of property holders over the poor; without the meddlesome interference of church and monarchy.
Readers who are accustomed to viewing U.S. history through rose-colored glasses will find their views severely challenged here. Dr. Losurdo persuasively argues that Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin and other revolutionaries enthusiastically embraced liberal ideology in order to help institutionalize its brutal slave economy. Put another way, it seems that Independence was ultimately about the prerogatives of the elite class who comprised the "community of the free" to buy, sell and own slaves. Dr. Losurdo goes on to explain how Americans put philosophy into service to justify Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and the violent dispossession of native peoples' lands.
Dr. Losurdo discusses how liberalism has influenced world history since the American Revolution. Through Dr. Losurdo's scholarship, we gain appreciation for the inherent tension that exists between liberalism's `emancipation' of the people who are privileged by virtue of their race and class; versus the `dis-emancipation' of the working class and poor who are comprised mostly of people of color. So, while liberals' greatest proponents have tended to use violence to lock in elite privilege (colonialism, the U.S. Civil War, the two World Wars), radicals have often struggled in the name of freedom for the people (the Haitian Revolution and the French Revolution).
Importantly, Dr. Losurdo challenges us to rethink the idea that progress is a natural by-product of liberalism. It is probably more accurate to say that liberals would be content to have the people live in misery; and that freedoms have been gained by ordinary people through struggle and collective action. The importance of this insight cannot be overstated. By compelling us to think anew about the liberal legacy, we can more easily detect the liberal apologists who pander for the one percent; while empowering the 99 percent of us to speak truth to power.
I highly recommend this outstanding book to everyone.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2014
★★★★★ 4
Excellent critical history
Format: Kindle
A very thorough and important work, astute view and scope of a history of a philosophy and its most sweeping consequences in the modern era. However, this also tends to be postcolonialism in a nutshell and is, from that view, an argument that goes back to at least the 1950s in academia and further if you're looking for straight up anticolonial voices of the past. Also I don't like the way the author cites sources, often giving the reader no clue as to the specific primary source being referenced, instead referencing an entire volume or a generic secondary source. Lastly, the book falls a little short as an interrogation of the marketplace itself.
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Reviewed in the United States on September 7, 2018